Irish and British Relations post-Brexit

When former Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson succeeded Theresa May as British Prime Minister in July of 2019, his first commitment to the House of Commons was to fulfill the October 31st Brexit deadline regardless if there was a deal or not. Four months later, instead of this promise being met, British Parliament has until January 31, 2020 to agree upon a deal that will be approved by the European Union (EU). While members of Parliament still hold contention regarding proposed provisions in Johnson’s revised Brexit deal, a subject in both May’s and Johnson’s plan that has held constant significance is the role of the Republic of Ireland and the counties in Northern Ireland that are a part of the United Kingdom. 

The long history between the three regions that lead to the thirty-year period of political turmoil known as “The Troubles” resulted in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. Although this tension can date back to the 12th century, the major key players of these tensions were the nationalist and unionist parties. A significant point in the history of the two feuding parties was the Government or Ireland Act implemented shortly after the Irish War of Independence. This act allowed Northern Ireland to operate as a self-governing region that was a part of the United Kingdom and not the Republic of Ireland. 

The divide between the two opposing groups was also visible in the political parties that dominated the political landscape of Northern Ireland. More specifically, the Ulster Unionist Party, a political party that was mostly comprised of Protestants,  instilled different measures to ensure that local political power would remain within the party. Some of these measures included gerrymandering and discrimination against the nationalist individuals. The individuals that were discriminated against attempted demonstrations fighting for equal rights, which quickly escalated by bringing  different military forces into the picture in an attempt to try and stabilize the situation. The presence of three different military forces, the Irish Republican Army, the Irish National Liberation Army, and British Army within the conflict zones of the border only deteriorated the issues regarding  injustice interments and shootings. 

After almost 30 years of political turmoil between these two areas in Ireland, a peace agreement was reached in 1998 which declared the northern counties of Ireland to be a part of the United Kingdom unless there was a majority vote to reunify the two areas. All of the provisions written into the agreement primarily established an equitable government that would prevent things such as gerrymandering from occurring and created institutions that work to foster peace and cooperation between Northern Ireland, the Republic of Ireland, and Great Britain. 

The specific provisions of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement allowed for Northern Ireland to remain a part of the United Kingdom and coexist peacefully with the rest of the public. The agreement has four main pillars which politically establishes the rule of law for Northern Ireland and how for the northern counties interact with each other. The four main pillars are the following; devolution, power-sharing, designation, and a three-strand approach to dealing with peace and cooperation. Although there are other provisions enumerated within the agreement, all of them address  the central theme of peace where the government of Northern Ireland will constitute a power-sharing system. This means that  there are two ministers, one from each of the dominating political parties. In addition to top officials needing to identify with a specific political party, all members of parliament must identify with some political to ensure equality. This is another rule to ensure that all members of parliament remove any form of policy that could disenfranchise a group of individuals. 

Additionally, another important provision worth mentioning is the demilitarization of the border towns of the northern counties such as Londonderry/Derry. Heavy militarization occurred within these towns between all military fronts. Finally, the last two significant provisions of the Good Friday Agreement centralized on creating institutions which foster cooperation among the feuding regions. Institutions such as the British-Irish Council and the British Irish Intergovernmental Conference are just some of the institutions that were created from the agreement to ensure there is cooperation between all three parties. 

With both Great Britain and the Republic of Ireland being members of the European Union, there is no border or border checks  between the Republic of Ireland and northern counties that are a part of the United Kingdom. As members of the European Union, the benefits stretched beyond economic and political integration. In terms of the Irish and Northern Ireland conflict, EU membership indirectly promoted cooperation between the two regions. One way the benefits of both areas being a part of the EU is reflected through the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. The lack of distinctive border between the two regions allows for goods and services to be easily transported. To place this into perspective, the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, a border that was once highly militarized, is now a soft border that has no militarization but instead, a simple sign which states that you are either entering or leaving a specific area. The lack of a border allowed for the process of reconciliation and peace to go at an accelerated pace. Economically, the lack of a border has lead to economic integration and benefits. The lack border has allowed for trade, businesses and labor to move very freely between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Much of the progress made, however, could be destroyed under new provisions put forth by Johnson in his proposed Brexit deal.

With the likelihood of a deal being reached by the extended deadline of January 31, 2020, provisions regarding the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland will jeopardize both the political cooperation between Ireland and Northern Ireland but the economic relations between Great Britain, Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. In the original Brexit deal created by May, there would be no barrier between Northern Ireland and the Republic. This lack of any form of border allowed Great Britain to have a very close relations with the republic of Ireland without the supervision of the European Union. In Johnson’s edition of the Brexit plan, a customs and regulatory border would be established between Northern Ireland and Great Britain, which means that goods from Great Britain entering Northern Ireland would be subjected to EU import taxes. Overall, provisions within the new Brexit deal do not fully take into account significant provisions that were made in the Good Friday Agreement.

Policy Recommendations

In order to maintain the peace that was built between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, there should be increased conversation between three general players: the British Parliament, the Northern Ireland Parliament and the Republic of Ireland. When considering the thoughts of any amendment to the new plan, having the voice of both Northern Ireland and Irish ministers present within these meetings will ensure that the values behind the Good Friday Agreement are upheld and not jeopardize. It is crucial for the voice of both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland to be present because if not the alternative possibilities which undermine the  Good Friday Agreement could destroy the decades of work for Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland to be cooperating under one island. 

Brexit: The Mess That Could Set Back Years of UK-Ireland Progress

All of us are getting news notifications on our phones and computers, almost on a daily basis, on Brexit and the issues surrounding the exit deal. But what actually is Brexit and why does it really matter?

In a June 2016 referendum, voters in Britain, Wales, Scotland, and most parts of Northern Ireland chose to leave the European Union in a close vote of 51.9 to 48.1 percent. The European Union (EU) is a political and economic union of 28 member states located primarily in Europe that works to promote stability and economic cooperation between its member states. Since March 2017, the United Kingdom and European Union have been engaged in negotiations on the terms of the UK’s exit and the future of their relationship. One of the main challenges to finding an agreement on a final deal has been meeting the requirements of Northern Ireland’s unique circumstances.

The UK is currently part of the EU’s customs union and single market. The customs union is a principal component of the EU. There are no tariffs or non-tariff barriers to trade between members of the customs union, and members states impose a common external tariff on all goods entering the union.The single market is made of the 28 EU member states and seeks to guarantee the free movement of goods, capital, services, and labour. After Brexit, the UK will leave both the customs union and single market.

This will raise questions about the status of the Irish border, particularly whether or not the border will become a customs border with all the associated checks and controls that come with that title. A customs border is a border control that checks any items and goods crossing the border, where taxes or tariffs could be imposed.This will most likely create practical and economic challenges and could reverse relations between the US and Ireland and all the progress that has been made in recent years.

The border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland was a source of major conflict and violence between the two countries. When the Republic first split from the UK and Northern Ireland, the border line was insignificant. However, after some time passed, hostility between the UK and Ireland resumed. As a result, the UK established customs checks at the border. The two countries eventually entered into a trade war and tariffs were placed on agricultural produce, steel, coal, and other things. By the late 1960s, this trade war turned violent. Conflict broke out in Northern Ireland between nationalist militaries (like the Irish Republican Army) who believed that Northern Ireland was rightfully part of Ireland and the British were oppressors; and as such, there should be no restrictive border between the two states. Ireland's Nationals population unionist militaries fought back to defend their place in the UK. Both groups brought violence to the streets by blowing up buildings and setting off car bombs, among other things.

The UK deployed thousands of troops to Northern Ireland during his time, who became a common target of nationalist attacks. A lot of these attacks occurred at the border of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, which for nationalists was the ultimate symbol of British occupation. The UK military secured the borderline with walls, towers, guns, and patrols. They controlled the 20 official border crossings with an iron grip and screened all people and vehicles crossing the partition. The conflict in Northern Ireland turned this into a hard border. The violence lasted for more than 30 years and killed over 3,600 people. This period of time is most commonly known as the “Troubles”.

The Good Friday Agreement, signed in 1998, brought an end to the conflict and established power-sharing in Northern Ireland. The agreement gives EU membership to the UK and Ireland, while also creating an understanding for the UK and Irish governments to cooperate on EU matters. The Good Friday Agreement also allows people born in Northern Ireland to choose either Irish citizenship, British citizenship, or both. The UK has stated that it wants this option to continue after Brexit. The agreement also established special EU funding programmes, known as PEACE, to reinforce the peace process and support cross-community projects. It also created the North South Ministerial Council (NSMC), which allows the governments in Dublin and Belfast to cooperate in various areas, including agriculture, education and transport. The UK, Ireland, Northern Ireland, and the European Commission have all agreed that the withdrawal process cannot undermine the Good Friday Agreement.

Once the UK leaves the EU, the only land border will be the 310-mile line between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland and decisions will have to be made on how to manage the movement of people and trade across that border. The UK, Ireland, and the EU have all said they want to maintain the Common Travel Area, which has been in place for most of the period since the establishment of the Irish Free State in 1922. The CTA allows free movement of British and Irish citizens between the UK, Ireland, the Channel Islands, and the Isle of Man. The agreement also gives access to various government services in each country. Ireland will continue to allow free movement for citizens in the other EU countries, while the UK is thinking about an inland control approach. Through access to labour markets and social security, the UK will enforce immigration policy without requiring checks on people crossing the Irish border. This move would greatly affect and possibly lead to the breakdown of the CTA.

The UK, Ireland, Northern Ireland and the European Commission have also all agreed there should be no hard border between Northern Ireland and the Republic, for trade as well as people (European Commission Joint Report). The UK’s decision to leave the EU Single Market and Customs Union means that it will become a “third country” to the EU, creating a land border between the UK and the EU. This is the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland and if no arrangements are made for the Irish border, the EU will have no choice but to put in place the standard checks it has at its border with other third countries. These would include both customs checks, documentation of products, proof of where the good originates, collection of tariffs, and regulatory checks, all to verify that goods comply with the EU’s standards.

Last November, UK Prime Minister Theresa May published her original Brexit plan that included an Irish border backstop. The backdrop is an insurance policy to avoid a hard border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland if the UK leaves the EU without securing a concrete deal. Both the UK and EU agree on the need for a backstop to ensure no hard border returns.

The backstop was the most hotly debated issue in the parliamentary debates on the draft Withdrawal Agreement. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) is the unionist and socially conservative party political party in Northern Ireland. The DUP is also in a coalition with May and her Conservative Party in Parliament and they are notably pro-Brexit. In January, however, their 10 MPs in Parliament voted against Prime Minister May’s Brexit Plan. The party has always been against a “special status” for Northern Ireland in the Brexit negotiations, saying any differences between Northern Ireland and Great Britain could threaten to break up the United Kingdom.

To the DUP, the backstop represents everything they don’t want for Northern Ireland: regulatory differences that mean only Northern Ireland would continue to follow some EU rules, no time limit, and the ability to exit the backstop would need to be agreed jointly by the UK and EU. On December 4, 2017, DUP leader Arlene Foster said that the DUP “will not accept any form of regulatory divergence which separates Northern Ireland economically or politically from the rest of the United Kingdom.” Foster also added that the DUP also does not want to see any changes to the current border arrangements between the North and the Republic.

A majority of people in Northern Ireland, however, support the backstop (most likely due to the fact it would give Northern Ireland special access to both the UK and EU markets). In January of this year, the UK government published proposals on how the UK can influence both the decision to use the backstop and its governance if it comes into effect. The proposals also reaffirmed the UK’s commitment that the rest of the UK will abide by the Single Market regulations being applied in Northern Ireland.

Ireland and Northern Ireland also share a single electricity market and electrical infrastructure. Keeping this arrangement will require Northern Ireland to continue to comply with EU regulation, without having any say over their development. If this agreement is not kept in tact, the single electricity market could be reversed, along with any benefits brought about by it. A notice from the UK Government published in October 2018 said if the UK leaves the EU with no deal, electrical supply from Ireland to Northern Ireland could be disrupted.

One of the problems for the Ireland is that its economy is intertwined with the economy in the UK. Currently, around 80% of the goods Ireland exports are transported to the UK or go through the UK. Ireland also sources 41% of its food imports and 55% of its fuel imports from the Britain. According to the Irish Ministry of Finance in October 2016, Brexit “is expected to have a material negative impact on the Irish economy.” A report from the Irish Government also called for “the closest possible trading relationship between the EU and the UK.”

On January 15, 2019 members of parliament rejected Prime Minister May’s Brexit deal by 432 votes to 202 - which is a historic political defeat in Britain. Then on March 12, after Theresa May had gone back to the EU to secure further legal assurances, Parliament rejected the deal again. And March 29, which was the original day that the UK was due to leave the EU, Parliament rejected the deal for a third time. Since Parliament did not approve Theresa May's withdrawal deal in a vote on March 12, May was forced to ask other EU leaders to delay Brexit. They agreed to postpone it until May 22 if MPs approved her deal in a new vote. On March 29, the UK missed that deadline and faced leaving on April 12 instead. But May has now gone back to the EU to ask for another extension - which the EU has agreed to. The new deadline is October 31. However, the UK can leave before then if May can get her deal approved by Parliament. The government will continue talks with Labour to try to come up with a solution. If the two sides do not come to an agreement, Theresa May has said she will propose additional options to members of parliament to work out a future plan.

Peace Walls and a Potential Hard Border: The Continued Struggle for Reconciliation after Northern Ireland’s The Troubles

When you have a conflict, that means that there are truths that have to be addressed on each side of the conflict. And when you have a conflict, then it’s an educational process to try to resolve the conflict. And to resolve that, you have to get people on both sides of the conflict involved so that they can dialogue.

— Dolores Huerta

A small state located above the Republic of Ireland and part of the nearby United Kingdom (UK), Northern Ireland is famous for its violent intrastate conflict during a thirty-year period of political violence known as The Troubles. Internal state conflict, such as the genocide between the Hutus and the Tutsis in Rwanda in the 1990s, often arises due to clashes over group territory, resources, and opposing identities. However, The Troubles was unique in that it was the final culmination of deeply-rooted ethnoreligious sectarian tension between Catholic Irish nationalists who wanted unification with the Republic of Ireland, and Loyalist Protestant unionists who favored the continuation of British rule. Nonetheless, despite the passage of the Good Friday-Belfast Agreement that formally ended the tumultuous conflict in 1998, continued social stratification, political upheaval, and overall uncertainty about the outcome of Brexit further decrease the possibility of successfully reconciling the two warring communities. As long as tension between British and Irish identities remains unresolved, Northern Ireland (NI) will continue to face potentially long-term sectarian strife.

Historical Overview of The Troubles

The seeds of The Troubles are rooted in the early 1600s with the British-supported migration of Protestant “planters” to six counties in the Ulster region of Ireland, then controlled all by Britain, thus allowing for the composition of a mostly Protestant community in NI today. In that same century, England dealt with growing sectarian politics between warring Protestant and Catholic groups who desired to establish control over the throne. This political and religious tension bled into Irish politics, as Protestant migration continued to disrupt the primarily Catholic majority that was already established on the island. In 1921, the Anglo-Irish Treaty officially divided Ireland into north and south and established the southern Republic as a self-governing entity while the north remained part of the UK. To better comprehend what propelled NI into social and political turmoil, the following events must be understood: the Battle of the Boyne and the impact of William of Orange on present-day Irish society, as well as the horrific events of Bloody Sunday.

The Battle of the Boyne was the culmination of extreme tension between the Catholic and Protestant communities, as well as a continuation of the grapple for power and control over the English throne. A struggle between Protestant William of Orange and deposed Catholic King James II, the battle restored Protestant power in England with the victory of William of Orange. Furthermore, the battle was and currently still is seen as a source of cultural and political pride for Protestants in the present-day, who consider it as validation and evidence of their superiority over Catholics.

The social implications of the victory of William of Orange manifest most popularly in the almost sacred annual celebratory march on July 12, otherwise known as Orangemen’s Day, which has major symbolic significance for Protestants who live in Northern Ireland. The Battle of the Boyne’s most tangible effects are seen by its yearly commemorations that are carried out by The Orange Order, a fraternal-like organization that marches to honor William’s valiant efforts to dispose of King James II and to acknowledge him as the sole individual who secured Protestant ascendancy in the country. However, these marches are quite controversial. The route that the Protestants marchers take often comes close to Catholic neighborhoods, sparking further sectarian violence for those who see this public display of victory as a way in which Protestants can blatantly rub in their historical dominance. The marchers also carry with them an assortment of flags and banners, many of which display the Union Jack (the national flag of the UK), as the UK is often seen as the founding state of The Orange Order. This creates more tension between the two communities as the Union Jack is a glaringly obvious symbol of separation, which is in direct opposition to the unified Ireland that Catholics desire. The night before on July 11, or the “Eleventh Night”, is also characterized by violence in the form of immense bonfires set ablaze in Protestant communities that intentionally burn Catholic and other non-unionist symbols. These bonfires are historically known to get out of hand, with some houses and other buildings burning down amidst chants of “No surrender!”

These societal divides continued to deepen as a result of the events that transpired on January 30, 1972, a day that is more famously known as “Bloody Sunday”. Said to be one of the darkest days of The Troubles, Bloody Sunday started out as a Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) march against internment that mirrored the efforts to combat discrimination and prejudice by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. in the United States. While some marchers stopped at the now iconic ‘Free Derry Corner’, others continued until they reached army barricades and were stopped by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), NI’s police force at the time. Violence, then an everyday occurrence, soon erupted between the RUC and members of the crowd; the British Army ultimately killed 13 civilians and wounded 14 others. Bloody Sunday was critical in shaping the course of the conflict and fueling the efforts made by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA), the core paramilitary group that aimed to end British rule and reunify Ireland. As a result of the massacre of unarmed protesters that day and the subsequent cover-up by the state, the conflict became increasingly militarized from thereon out, leading to increased IRA recruitment.

Due to the complex nature of The Troubles, it is important to discern which groups and parties belonged to which side of the conflict. Of the Republican paramilitaries involved in the hostility, the most infamous was the IRA, which was responsible for many of the violent attacks that characterized The Troubles. On the Loyalist Protestant side, there was the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), the predominantly Ulster paramilitary group, and the Ulster Defense Association (UDA), another large vigilante group. Furthermore, British security forces were involved in the form of the law enforcement-based RUC, as well as numerous activists, politicians, and political parties such as the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), the primary unionist political party in NI, and the opposing Sinn Féin, the left-wing Irish party that is still active in both NI and the Republic of Ireland.

Ongoing Divisive Issues

Efforts to put an end to the unrelenting conflict seemingly concluded with the formal passage of the Good Friday-Belfast Agreement that was signed by British Prime Minister Tony Blair and Irish politician Taoiseach Bertie Ahern in Belfast, NI in 1998. The terms of the peace agreement included, but were not limited to, the decommissioning of paramilitary groups, the establishment of a power-sharing government split between the DUP and Sinn Féin, the demilitarization of the hard border between the UK and the Republic of Ireland, and the release of political prisoners on the condition that they won’t re-engage with their former organizations. However, while the conditions of the treaty were attractive in principle, deep divisions are still evident within Northern Irish society, acting as roadblocks in the peace and reconciliation process.

While the Good Friday-Belfast Agreement attempted to quell all domestic issues, full implementation of the peace treaty has been challenging as various forms of social stratification remain unresolved due to enduring societal norms and attitudes. While Orangemen’s Day and the Eleventh Night bonfires are merely annual demonstrations of Protestant pride, the persistence of segregation and sectarianism is still visible in the structural layout of many communities in NI, most notably in Belfast and Derry/Londonderry where the infamous ‘Peace Walls’ continue to physically divide Protestant and Catholic communities from one another. These walls, which separate the two communities at contentious intersections in the hopes of minimizing violent interactions, serve as blank canvases for political statements and are decorated in a variety of colorful murals detailing the thirty years of conflict. Common images include messages of revenge and oppression, as well as famous figures such as Bobby Sands, a member of the Provisional IRA and the UK Parliament who died while on a hunger strike in prison and was ultimately seen as a martyr for the Irish Republican cause. However, while these walls are meant to act as peaceful dividers, their mere existence perpetuates an “us versus them” mentality that makes it difficult to reconcile the two communities with one another. Some murals in Derry, where Bloody Sunday occurred, even go as far as to compare the IRA to the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS).

In addition to the use of imagery to further the divide between Protestants and Catholics, inequality in unemployment, housing, and education persists. Historically, Irish Catholics have experienced higher unemployment rates and less housing availability than their Protestant counterparts. The disparity was evident in 1992 towards the tail end of The Troubles, as the Protestant unemployment rate was 9% in comparison to 18% for Catholics. While those rates have decreased, dropping to 5% and 7% for each respective group in 2016, this economic inactivity still heavily impacts the Catholic community to a greater degree. In fact, one study conducted by R. L. Miller and R. D. Osborne, drawing upon a government survey that monitored over 3,500 unemployed males during 1976-1977 at the height of the conflict, found that Catholics were “more likely to have been unemployed in the previous three years, for that unemployment to have last longer, to experience a longer period before securing a job, [and] to receive from Employment Offices fewer job submissions… [which] could not be accounted for by variations in education, skill level, geographical mobility or general motivation”. Despite the government’s attempts to level out the playing field, Catholics, namely ex-terrorists, have faced far more social barriers than Protestants in terms of their inability to get public sector jobs, insurance, or even travel to other countries. This pervasive inequality acts as a breeding ground of sorts for paramilitary activity, who view the lack of government intervention as siding with the Protestant community. Furthermore, research conducted by scholars at Ulster University shows that welfare dependency rose, suicide rates doubled, and men’s life expectancy fell in the areas most affected by The Troubles. Ironically these areas, such as Derry/Londonderry in NI, are primarily Catholic.

Pervasive social norms and stigmas have also obstructed the peace process, especially in regards to education. Schooling in Northern Ireland is heavily segregated, and its persistence often fuels the debate that the education system in the state is acting as more of a perpetuator of division than one of peace. With a population of only about 1.8 million, analysis of the fragmented school structure shows that 93% of children in primary school (ages 4-11), and post-primary school (ages 11-18), attend segregated schools that are either majority Catholic or majority Protestant. This blatant academic separation demonstrates the passing of sectarian views through the generations, as many adults who were involved or impacted by the events of The Troubles have chosen to further the divide and hinder the peace process by having their children attend segregated schools. This ultimately limits the opportunity that children and adolescents have to interact with and form their own perceptions of “the other side”.

Political Upheaval

A core component of the Good Friday-Belfast Agreement was the establishment of a power-sharing government in Northern Ireland, commonly known as Stormont, between the mainly Protestant DUP and the Catholic-leaning Sinn Féin. The dynamics of this relationship essentially meant that the two groups both had a say in the political sphere within NI. However, recent events have made it difficult for any progress to be made at all, ultimately leading to the collapse of the regional governing body in NI. In January 2017, Sinn Féin’s leader, Martin McGuinness, resigned as deputy First Minister. The party then let the deadline for the nomination of a replacement pass, which goes against the conditions of the peace agreement, thereby forcing an early election, an action that the DUP saw as Sinn Féin “putting its partisan interests ahead of the public good”. Adding to the divide is the fact that Sinn Féin’s president Gerry Adams stood down in late 2017; this, combined with the death of McGuinness, has left the government in a tricky situation, enough to where the assembly stopped meeting, an overhaul of the region’s health system was postponed, and any and all long-term decision-making processes were ended. The lack of a functioning government has forced the state to run off of the work of civil servants with very limited funds and resources.

Efforts to reinstate a functioning government were attempted in January 2018 with the election of Karen Bradley as Northern Ireland’s Secretary of State. Bradley ultimately got the two political parties to talk and draft a deal that satisfied both sides, however, at the last minute the deal fell through. While the precise reasons are unknown, circulating rumors claim that the deal included the foundations for an Irish Language Act, which would give the Irish language the same power and prestige as English. This is an act that the DUP is in complete opposition to, as it means equalizing the two communities in a way that elevated Irish culture and diminished British identity. As a result, there continues to be no active government in the region to this day.

Brexit Uncertainty

Moreover, Northern Ireland’s persistent challenges are not limited to domestic causes, but they also stem from international disputes, including the uncertainty surrounding “Brexit”, or the UK’s potential departure from the European Union (EU), and the possible political and economic ramifications associated with that decision. Brexit, a contentious issue that continues to plague European citizens, could destroy the little peace that has been achieved in Northern Ireland, as it brings into question the status of the country as a member of the UK. The political ramifications of Brexit are often discussed in relation to the “Irish backstop”, another way to refer to a guarantee that a “hard” Irish border will not be reinstated between the north and south if the UK splits from the EU. During The Troubles, the hard border that existed was known to be especially sensitive to violence, as the soldiers who patrolled it were seen as easy targets and enforcers of British occupation. Complete demilitarization of the border was a key condition of the 1998 peace agreement, but full or even partial reconciliation seems further and further out of reach as the uncertainty of Brexit, paired with the lack of a functioning government, threatens to reestablish the border, leading to immense social and economic consequences.

However, the border is currently viewed as a “tripwire” of sorts, where any slight miscalculation or aggressive action on behalf of either side threatens to open old wounds and reignite the bloody conflict. One of the most recent incidents occurred in January 2019 when a car bomb exploded outside of a courthouse on an empty street in Derry, NI. This violence was seen again in April 2019 when Lyra McKee, a reporter who specialized in The Troubles, was shot and killed during riots in Derry/Londonderry. These types of acts were all too common during the conflict, and demonstrate that violence still persists even to this day and could very easily occur on or near the border if it is recreated.

In terms of its economic impact, Brexit could do a large amount of damage to the British and Irish economies. In an interview in February 2019, Irish Deputy Prime Minister Simon Coveney stated that there are around 40,000 Irish companies that trade with Britain, amounting to almost a 75-billion euro trade relationship. The reestablishment of a hard border could have detrimental effects on that trade relationship, making it more difficult for the two countries to give and receive goods. Furthermore, the European Single Market that was created in 1993 allows for the easy passage of goods between members of the EU, while the EU Customs Union is a club of countries where customs (or tariffs) have been removed from goods. If the UK leaves the EU, then they leave the single market and the customs union. Thus, they run the risk of having NI and the Republic follow two different rules; as a result, all goods would need to be verified when moving between the two countries, requiring border checkpoints, which many see as a potential source of future violence. To mitigate these potential impacts, the EU and the UK created the “Irish backstop” deal as a sort of last resort policy so that there will be no hard border again, allowing for the easy movement of citizens within the island of Ireland.

Issue Recommendations

Building off of the fragile peace that exists requires a three-pronged approach that addresses the social, political, and economic issues that continue to persist in Northern Ireland. This comprehensive approach entails the gradual removal of the ‘Peace walls’ that exist primarily in Belfast, increasing the number of integrated schools across Northern Ireland, reestablishing a functioning government in Stormont with the help of the UK, and preventing the return of a hard border by monitoring the developments regarding Brexit.

The gradual destruction of the walls that divide Protestant and Catholic communities in many cities across Northern Ireland is the first step towards reconciliation. While many view the walls as dividers that actually aid in the peace process because they limit group interaction and therefore minimize violence, the mere existence of the walls promotes segregation. Many of the walls are located in economically disadvantaged neighborhoods, especially in Belfast, and this has caused a lot of disagreement that goes back to the issue of Catholic rates of unemployment and housing shortages in comparison to Protestants. However, demolishing the walls would be the practical first step, but the reality of the situation is much more complex. While the violence may have decreased substantially since the signing of the peace agreement, the walls represent more of a psychological than a physical barrier that provides a sense of stability and protection from the other side. Nonetheless, while not much progress has been made since the goal of tearing down all 48 of Northern Ireland’s peace walls by 2023 was declared, local artists have used the walls as blank canvases to display peaceful images rather than the harsh, sectarian pieces that adorn some sections of the walls. Until more walls come down, artists should be encouraged to spread and promote peace through the use of imagery; for example, the Arts Council of Northern Ireland has formed the Re-Imaging Communities project that gives local community members grant money to create new art pieces that help tackle sectarianism. These “post-para” murals commemorate general “cultural treasures”, such as C.S. Lewis, who was born in East Belfast and is famous for his novel The Lion, The Witch, and the Wardrobe, or George Best, the boy who popularized soccer in the 1960s.

British and Irish cultural differences have also had effects on the education sector; to bridge this division, there should be a focus in Northern Ireland to create more integrated schools that host both Catholic and Protestant students in a comfortable and inclusive setting. At present, there are around 62 grant-aided integrated schools throughout NI, and results from a 2013 public opinion survey revealed that 66% of parents wish to increase the number of integrated places in Belfast from 4% to 33%, and 83% believe that integrated education is a vital part in moving forward in the peace process. New-Bridge Integrated College, an integrated school in Loughbrickland, Northern Ireland, focuses on this narrative of peacebuilding through social cohesion by stressing respect and tolerance for everyone, no matter their background. While these schools face challenges of addressing student questions of culture and identity, the needs of young people for reconciliation and inclusivity in NI should take precedence over parents’ desires for continued segregation. The overall goal should be to combat these negative social norms and attitudes that encourage divisiveness rather than unification.

With over two years since it last had a government, it is pertinent that Northern Ireland returns to having a functioning political system; one of the ways in which this could happen is if Westminster, the UK government that resides in London, steps in and controls NI from afar. While the UK is not quite keen on this idea, continuing without any government only further damages the country and puts a halt on the peace process. Currently, few decisions have been made and little action is being taken to address any issues that plague NI as a direct result of the limited resources and lack of working ministers. Reestablishing a functioning government would essentially help mitigate some of the economic and social issues that citizens face, as well as provide Northern Ireland with more of a voice in the Brexit debate. Ever since Stormont collapsed, concerns over health care in specific have grown, with the Department of Health finding increased wait lists up to 52 days for an initial consultation, staff shortages, and stalled hospital reform to be major sources of concern for individuals who need assistance as soon as possible. With the aid of Westminster, both the DUP and Sinn Féin representatives at Stormont could work together to at least satisfy the basic needs of their citizens and later use Westminster as a sort of third-party mediator to help facilitate dialogue and overcome their differences.

Lastly, in terms of solutions for the politically-fuelled border debate, all efforts should be taken to prevent the re-implementation of a hard border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. The border was the site for lots of conflict, and to add patrolmen and physical infrastructure such as cameras, sensors, and drones to monitor movement between the two states is to create easy targets for sectarian violence. The results of a shocking survey, however, found that approximately 60% of the business community in NI were in support of a soft Brexit, including both nationalists and unionists. A soft Brexit means that the UK stays either within the European Single Market by becoming a member of the European Economic Area, the EU Customs Union, or both. The impact of a soft Brexit would, given the limited options, not be a terrible choice, as it would satisfy the interests of all sides by avoiding the reestablishment of a hard border. Nonetheless, as the various governments continue to issue statements regarding the progress of Brexit, and therefore the Irish involvement in that process, the hard border continues to be brought up. To make one single recommendation that would prevent the re-establishment of a hard border is difficult given the complexities of the issue among the parties involved.

The entirety of The Troubles was characterized by sectarian violence, clashes between the police and citizens, and general disagreements over culture and identity that led to the death of some 3,600 people, all of which are common markers of intrastate conflict or a civil war. While the Good Friday-Belfast Agreement formally ended the conflict, it failed to provide any practical recommendations or solutions on how to maintain peace while reconciling the past. Northern Ireland is still fraught with social, political, and economic issues today, making it difficult to work on the peace process whilst also addressing old wounds. The paramilitary violence of The Troubles may have stopped for the time being, but the underlying sectarian and nationalistic views that ignited the conflict continue to persist.

A Changing Ireland: Catalysts and Social Revolutions

The Republic of Ireland is in the middle of a massive social upheaval that is projected to change the county in an unprecedented way. Ireland is historically and culturally steeped in the Catholic religion, yet the Irish people seem to be finding a more modern interpretation of their faith. In past years the Irish people have not only voted to legalize marriage equality by popular vote, but have also elected an openly gay Prime Minister and repealed their Eighth Amendment: a law defining most cases of abortion illegal. These changes are unprecedented and were thought to never occur in the highly religious country. Some are painting Ireland as the new liberal “darling” of the world. Indeed, it is a marker of the changing social sphere of Ireland that these changes are taking place. Such changes are occuring amidst and in reaction to various scandals within the Catholic Church and increasing economic globalization. To understand the phenomenon and potential future effects it is first important to understand the marker of change that have already taken place.

Repealing the Eighth Amendment

On May 25th, 2018 Ireland voted to repeal the Eighth Amendment. The Eighth Amendment, or Article 40.3.3 of the Irish Constitution, prohibited abortion - the only exception being in cases where the mother’s life was at risk. The amendment did not allow abortion in cases of rape or incest.  The consequence for women looking to bypass this law by purchasing abortion pills online was a 14-year jail sentence. Many women, instead, opted to travel abroad, an option legalized by the Irish legislature in 1992. This law has been described by some as “outsourcing abortion” and placed an economic barrier to entry on women seeking this option. The travel option worked for 168,703 women who traveled to England and Wales from 1980 (prior to the legalization of the travel decision) to 2016. In 2016 alone, 724 women traveled to England or Wales for abortions. This number only includes women who used an Irish address and does not include women who traveled to other nearby countries such as the Netherlands; the true number of Irish women traveling abroad for abortions is likely much higher than the number above. Furthermore, the number of women who bought abortion pills online is unknown. Given these numbers, it is surprising that abortion was not legalized earlier. However, what the numbers do not disclose is the stigma surrounding women seeking abortions. While more women have been speaking out about their experiences and needs in recent years, the public had not reached a consensus prior to the referendum. Ultimately, the vote went 66% in favor of repeal with a 64% voter turnout rate. Many were surprised by the vote as one fifth of voters were undecided in early polls. More surprising, however, is that abortion is now legal in a Catholic country. The vote’s passage is a marker of the radically changing social climate in Ireland. Should the vote have been a few years earlier, it might have resembled the 1983 referendum which struck down abortion rights by a large margin. This change calls in question a number of significant events that helped prepare Ireland for this change.

A number of high profile abortion cases affected the public perception of state-controlled abortion. Two cases in particular were used by the pro-choice movement to highlight the necessity of repeal. The X Case in 1992 was the legal case of a 14-year-old girl who had been raped and became pregnant. The girl and her parents applied for her to travel to England to undergo an abortion. The case was appealed to the High Court by the then Attorney General, who intended to ban the child from traveling. Ultimately, the girl was allowed to travel, but not before the case sparked outrage on both sides. A second case symbolically used by the pro-choicers is that of Savita Halappanaver, a woman who asked to terminate her pregnancy when complications arose. The hospital she was a patient at refused to comply and Savita later died from a septic miscarriage.

A mural of Savita Halappanavar in Dublin.

These cases, amongst many others, rose to the forefront of the movement in recent years. The women affected, and those supporting them, connected with the increasingly supportive public. The movement gained in momentum in recent years, with more women speaking out publicly and through art. The movement also gained from support by newly elected Taoiseach Varadkar, a supporter of the repeal movement.

Taoiseach Varadkar

In 2017 Ireland elected its first openly gay Prime Minister, Leo Varadkar.  Taoiseach Varadkar (as traditionally titled in the Irish language) is both Ireland’s and the world’s first gay world leader, marking an enormous change in global and Irish sociopolitical psyche.  Varadkar is widely recognized as the embodiment of the liberalization of the country. He openly supported the repealing of the Eighth Amendment long before the recent referendum. As a trained physician, he stated that the Irish should “trust and respect women to make the right choices and decision about their own healthcare.” Varadkar was formerly the health minister and  supported repealing the eighth amendment during his duration in the office. He spoke out on two cases in particular that changed his mind on the Eighth Amendment. One such case involved an asylum seeker who, when she traveled to England for an abortion, was denied access to the country. The woman had no other options and became suicidal; Varadkar recognized that in cases like this, the constitution was failing women.

Following the referendum vote, Varadkar celebrated by saying “what we have seen today really is a culmination of a quiet revolution that’s been taking place in Ireland for the past 10 or 20 years.” He continued by saying that “this has been a great exercise in democracy, and the people have spoken, and the people have said: We want a modern Constitution for a modern country.” Indeed, the Irish people have been proving time and time again that they want a more modern and progressive country. Changes began in the country in the 1990s, when divorce was legalized and homosexuality was decriminalized. On May 22nd 2015 Ireland became the first country to legalize same-sex marriage by popular referendum. With global attention honed on Ireland, Varadkar was elected just two years later by Fine Gael (the majority party) to become the first openly gay world leader, and last month, just one year later, the Eighth Amendment was repealed. A number of factors contributed to this surprising timeline including the disillusionment amongst the Irish people with the Catholic Church.

Declining Religion

Ireland is a historically Catholic country, with the church considered a pillar of the nation. Some have related the Church's influence to that of England prior to Irish Independence. The Irish, however, attend mass in steeply declining numbers. In 1980, 85% of the population attended weekly mass. Today just 30% of the Irish population attend mass regularly. While 74% of voters in the referendum still identify as Catholic, 27% attend just a few times a year and 29% hardly ever go to mass. The Church, it seems, is no longer a cornerstone of Irish society.

A number of factors led to this decline, one being the number of church scandals uncovered in recent times. Across the world, religious and nonreligious individuals were shocked at the volume and nature of child abuse cases. Ireland, with its intimate connection to the church, was particularly taken back. In Ireland 90% of state funded primary schools are controlled by the church and in 2009 a study found that tens of thousands of children were abused in school. This number is especially alarming in comparison to the 4.5 million population. It is evident that Ireland has been quietly suffering at the hands of the church for many years.

In a more public offense, Bishop Eamonn Casey was found to have fathered an 18-year-old son with Annie Murphy. The Bishop was once a prominent member of the Catholic Church in Ireland and his betrayal of his faith, in addition payments made to the mother from his diocesan accounts, shocked to the country. Situations like this, alongside past instances of abuse and public shaming, helped the Irish public to move away from the Church’s doctrines in their own thinking and beliefs. Bishop O’Reilly stated that “[Ireland has] the reality that many are now cultural Catholics” and that there is a “new reality in Ireland where the Church is no longer the dominant voice in society.” It is true that Ireland today no longer follows the Church as it once did.

Professor McElroy of Trinity College Dublin described the effect of the repeal vote on the Roman Catholic hierarchy as the “final nail in the coffin.” This is evident both in the recent referendum and in political leanings which are increasingly liberal. Former Deputy Prime Minister and Professor Gilmore said that Ireland is changing due to the influence of “a more open and growing economy; the diminishing influence of the Catholic Church, partly as a result of the sex abuse scandals; [and] growing support for the Liberal Agenda” amongst other factors.

Ireland’s Future

Recent legislative changes reveal that Ireland’s social sphere is changing. The significant legal changes on a relatively short timeline are evidence of a meaningful social change. The Catholic Church’s influence is lessening both because of various scandals and decreasing popular participation. The Irish people are less focused on religion to find guidance and are increasingly interested in personal stories of those affected by laws written for an age that has long past. The repeal movement found great success in using the stories of women wronged by past laws to change the hearts and minds of the voters. Indeed, similar methods worked in legalizing same-sex marriage. Considering the remarkable social leaps that Ireland has taken, and the success rate of newfound methods of campaigning for change, it will be interesting to see what comes next for Ireland.

Beware of the Risen People: Public Support as a Crucial Factor in the Outcomes of the FLNC and IRA Insurgencies

The 1970s witnessed a rise of insurgent groups ranging from anarchists to reformists to preservationists. The insurgencies waged by the Irish Republican Army (IRA, including the Provisionals) and the National Liberation Front of Corsica (FLNC) emerged as parallel struggles alike in their secessionist, ethno-national, anti-imperial armed struggles. So it is imperative to ask why – from two insurgencies so similar in context – one reached a renowned peace process with substantial political gains while the other faded into submission. Inability to maintain popular support stymied the FLNC insurgency and precipitated its failure to achieve its long-term goals; through comparison the IRA, it becomes clear that the FLNC eroded public support through mishandling of propaganda and overreliance on terrorism.

Members of both the IRA and the FLNC participated in prison hunger strikes during 1981 in order to gain “political prisoner” status that would further legitimize their struggle for independence. While the IRA realized relative and objective success, the FLNC mangled a crucial opportunity to gain public support for their cause. After two months of starvation, 27-year-old Bobby Sands, the charismatic leader of the IRA hunger strike died in prison. Throughout his and his inmates’ suffering, the IRA and its political counterpart, Sinn Féin, capitalized on the opportunity to bolster support. They directed massive media campaigns to appeal to Irish sympathizers, those believing in nonviolence, and international audiences. When Bobby Sands was elected MP from behind bars, Sinn Féin realized it had gained the legitimate power of the vote. Most importantly, the IRA and Sinn Féin harnessed the feelings of the masses – rage and powerlessness, especially regarding the deaths of young IRA volunteers – and transformed passive supporters into active ones: after Bobby’s death, the IRA experienced a momentous surge in recruitment. The propaganda campaign tied to the hunger strike provided the Irish public with a sense of personal self-determination and agency, thereby reinforcing the ideology of the struggle for independence within a critical mass of people.

In contrast with the IRA’s tactical propaganda for public support, FLNC members disaffected the Corsican people by executing a weak hunger strike followed by domestic terrorist attacks. In November 1980, after only a few weeks, FLNC members ended their hunger strike prematurely and thus forfeited their ability to negotiate terms of “political prisoner” status. Even though the strike had been briefly accompanied by a poster campaign and fundraising attempts, the decision to end the hunger strike damaged the FLNC’s credibility and undermined faith in their political endurance. Perhaps this slump in public support prompted the FLNC to overcompensate with large-scale acts of terrorism against police forces to try to regain public confidence in their ability to lead an insurgency. Unfortunately for them, the insecurity generated from their attacks alienated passive supporters who may have been swayed by a more successful, nonviolent hunger strike.

Though terrorism often provides a powerful tool to gain public support for insurgency, its overuse by the FLNC revealed deviation from the ideology of self-determination that once fueled public support for the movement (O’Neill 2005, 103). Over the course of its nearly 40-year armed struggle, the FLCN executed 10,000 violent attacks including bombings, assassinations, and mass shootings. At first, the attacks demonstrated capability to defeat France’s colonial influence; but over time, the connection between local bombings and independence failed to resonate with the people. Much of the public’s grievances were economic, so the bombings of community commercial properties and those “totally unconnected to political consideration” aggravated tensions between FLCN members and the public (Ramsay 1983, 173). Moreover, leaders of the FLCN “did not elaborate on their earlier policy of demanding self-determination and independence” while carrying out these attacks. In summary, the FLCN undervalued public opinion and demonstrated their diminishing commitment to the ideology of independence and therefore to the people. These mistakes cost them a critical mass of support and jeopardized the movement itself.

Unlike the FLNC, the IRA emphasized fierce commitment to their ideology of self-determination for the Irish people in connection with their acts of terrorism. The IRA ‘Green Book,’ emphasizes that each operation “enhances rather alienates [IRA] supporters,” and that “for all our actions… [IRA volunteers] must explain by whatever means… why [they] bomb.” This portrayal of accountability to the people proved an effective method of reinforcing public support. In addition to building solidarity with the people, the IRA paired their terrorism with defensive propaganda designed to preemptively justify the deaths of anyone against the cause (Gross 2015, 221). Through the pairing of ideology and terrorist acts, the IRA insulated their campaign from loss of public support.

Sinn Féin and the IRA succeeded by prioritizing public support and exercising mastery of propaganda. In contrast, the FLNC lost the war of ideology as it lost the critical support of the Corsican people. When the Irish people demanded peace after years of terror, Sinn Féin responded with nonviolent peace talks. While divergent from their original long-term goal of a unified Ireland, Sinn Féin and the IRA achieved political representation in the North: perhaps their most notable achievement was to recognize that self-determination in a globalized world cannot and will not resemble traditional nation-state politics. In contrast, when the Corsican people demanded peace, the FLNC clung to its counterproductive strategy of terrorism at the expense of public support: their struggle faded in the hearts and minds of the people and concluded with a voluntary surrender, a failure to achieve independence.

The Predicament of the Pro-Choice Movement in Ireland

Over the past three decades, more than 205,000 women have left Ireland to procure abortion services. This mass exodus could finally change following the announcement of a referendum to repeal the Eighth Amendment to the Irish constitution set for May or June of 2018. As it stands, the Eighth Amendment equates the life of a fetus to the life of a person and outlaws abortion in all circumstances. Despite pressure from the United Nations and EU Court of Human Rights to amend their restrictive laws, the Irish government refuses to enact meaningful policy change. As a result, its citizens depend on foreign agents and unregulated websites to receive procedural care.

In 2016, the United Kingdom Department of Health recorded 3,265 cases – roughly 10 per day – of women who traveled from Ireland to the UK to receive abortion services. Women who cannot afford to travel have limited options. The miscarriage-inducing medications Mifepristone and Misoprostol are smuggled into the country somewhat successfully. At the same time, online services like womenhelp.org have begun shipping the pills to Northern Ireland addresses for Irish women to collect.

Regardless of how they obtain the pills, an estimated three Irish women self-administer medical abortions every day, facing up to 14 years in prison if they seek help for complications. The high demand for these basic medications has led to the emergence of underground communities of women sharing tactics to circumvent obstructive laws in countries all over the world. The Dutch medical organization, Women on Waves, lists advice for women to procure Mifepristone and Misoprostol in different forms:

“To obtain one of these medicines, one could, for example, say that your grandmother has rheumatoid arthritis so severely she can not go to the pharmacy herself, and that you do not have money to pay for a doctor to get the prescriptions for the tablets.

If there are problems to get the medicines in one pharmacy, try another pharmacy, or a male friend or partner might have fewer problems obtaining them… Usually one can expect more luck at the smaller pharmacies that do not belong to a chain.

Sometimes Cytotec can also be bought on the black market (places where you can also buy Marijuana). However try to make sure that is really is Misoprostol and not fake pills or some other medicine!”

Without protection from their governments or healthcare providers, women place their trust in informal networks and endanger themselves needlessly.

Beyond faceless statistics, these policies have dire consequences for the women themselves. In October 2012, 31-year-old Savita Halappanavar was admitted to University Galway Hospital for back pains. She was 17 weeks pregnant. When it became evident that her back pain was a symptom of preterm labor, Halappanavar asked if it were possible to save her baby, but was told that a miscarriage was “inevitable.” Doctors denied her an emergency medical abortion, and instead kept her hospitalized for three days until she was forced to deliver a stillborn girl. Four days after that, Savita Halappanavar died from advanced septicemia and organ failure.

At the time of writing, no members of Halappanavar’s medical team have been held accountable, despite a jury verdict of “medical misadventure.” After Halappanavar’s death, Irish MP Teachta Dála Clare Daly introduced a bill to clarify cases of legal termination of pregnancy – designed to prevent deaths like Halappanavar’s – but the bill was defeated in the lower house of Parliament by a vote of 101 to 27. Against a backdrop of government inaction, to the credit of the women of Ireland, Halappanavar’s death was met with protest and a wave of activism across the country.

In 2012, pro-choice organizations across Ireland formed the Irish Choice Network, now the Abortion Rights Campaign. Their first and second annualMarch for Choice garnered around 2,500 people, and their numbers have climbed somewhat slowly over the past four years. Then, on International Women’s Day, March 8th, 2017, the Coalition to Repeal the Eighth Amendment organized a “Strike For Repeal” demonstration that saw an estimated 10,000 people take to Dublin’s streets to demand a referendum to repeal the Eighth amendment – by far the largest pro-choice demonstration in Irish history. The success of the Coalition to Repeal the Eighth Amendment culminated with this protest, which led to a Citizens Assembly and ultimately to Prime Minister Leo Varadkar’s decision to hold the referendum.

How did the pro-choice movement grow from a couple thousand to tens of thousands, and how did it inspire such open resistance to some of the most restrictive abortion laws in Europe?

The answer: the Coalition to Repeal the Eighth Amendment generated and leveraged social capital to harness passive rejection of prescribed politics and transform it into active resistance. That is, in a predominantly disaffected youthculture, the Repeal campaign created space for young people to access socio-political ideas and express their support in a way that generated social capital. Specifically, the Coalition’s capacity to mobilize young people in unprecedented numbers relied on three elements.

Photo: @lhj__photography a protestor for the REPEAL campaign shares her story

First, the REPEAL jumper addressed the need for young people to vocalize their beliefs without the constraints of traditional politics and processes.

According to Anna Cosgrave, the creator of the jumpers, her purpose was to enable:

“… people that otherwise felt nervous about the political and academic rhetoric around reproductive rights to be able to wear a jumper and be like I care without having any of the linguistics or technical terms.”

For people of all ages and backgrounds – especially youth – the REPEAL jumper provides access to a growing socio-political discussion. Its first impression is stark. Its black and white contrast conveys severity, simplicity, and power. In an organized demonstration, the jumper becomes a uniform of resistance; in everyday life, one of solidarity. The jumper displays a public statement about a shunned issue, creating new political practices in place of traditionally accepted ones. The REPEAL jumpers attract so many people, perhaps, due to their function an emblem of resistance that allows wearers to determine their own meaning by interpreting the message of REPEAL: resistance to tradition, resistance to a Catholic state, resistance to male-dominated politics. The flexibility allows each person to share deeply personal meanings with others, and thus creates a community for building social capital. Also significant, the quote that accompanies the Repeal campaign’s Instagram photo underscores the importance of accessibility in social movements. The woman in the photo describes the way to “reclaim our bodies from the State.” Here, the notion of REPEAL has transcended simple popularity and become a way for young people to engage highly intellectual ideas about the role of government in people’s lives.

The evidence the jumpers’ popularity speaks for itself: On their first day in stores, they sold out within an hour. The online shop has stocked and restocked, but remains sold out for the foreseeable future. From an economic perspective, the low-level infrastructure of Cosgrave’s microfinance project unintentionally produced an unmet demand that bolstered the social capital of those lucky enough to possess one of the coveted jumpers.

The second element of the Repeal coalition’s ethos emerged in chants used at protests that reiterate a rejection of traditional politics. The first:

Not the Church, not the State

Women must decide their fates

This chant, like the jumper, calls into question the role of institutions in women’s lives. It emphasizes collective independence from both the Church and State, breaking from longstanding traditional politics, and instead presents a new framework for considering women’s issues.

The second:

Enda, Enda

Where’s the referendum?

At protests, this chant is performed in a taunting manner. The speakers refer to then-Prime Minister, Enda Kenny by his first name, thereby denying him respect and formality. This language places the protesters and the nation’s Prime Minister on equal footing. Together, the structure and performance of these chants display the protesters’ resistance to traditional politics.

The third element of the Repeal coalition’s success in generating social capital rests in its official and unofficial social media presence. The official social media pages of just a few members of the Coalition to Repeal the Eighth have over 65,000 followers between Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter, plus avid supporters at entertainment news websites like her.ie, which boasts 175,000 followers on various social media platforms. Thousands of young people use social media as a platform for expressing solidarity and continued support: #repealthe8th was among the top trending hashtags in Ireland in 2016 and spiked at over 36,000 tweets in a single day during 2016’s March for Choice rally. The online community created by the Repeal coalition produces and reproduces social capital as online momentum grows.

Popular social media pages independent from the Coalition have also bolstered the coalition’s cause. Humans of The Sesh provides a solid example of the new political practices surrounding the Repeal the Eighth movement. With over 23,000 followers on Twitter and 556,000 on Facebook, Humans of The Sesh holds a special place in youth culture history in Ireland and the UK. They are nihilistic, self-proclaimed “sesh gremlin documenters” with a philosophy of recreational inebriation, deadpan commentary, and emotional decay. Primarily, they make memes. In June, Humans of The Sesh tweeted its annoyance at a
government move to discontinue large packs of Amber Leaf tobacco:

First and foremost, in this tweet, Humans of The Sesh expresses its frustration with the Irish government from a youth perspective. Second, the tweet equates two completely different policy points – tobacco and women’s healthcare. Notably, the tweet equates them to highlight their absurdity: repealing the Eighth Amendment should be just as straightforward as ‘repealing’ a tobacco product, and the Irish government is therefore out-of-touch and ridiculous for repealing one but not the other. As a group fundamentally catered to disaffected youth, it is significant that Humans of The Sesh deliberately referenced a socio-political issue. Their presence on social media platforms, separate from and critical of traditional political spaces, provides them with a source of social capital from young people. By referencing the Repeal the Eighth movement, Humans of The Sesh leveraged the movement’s social capital and amplified it for its own followers.

In another example, the Repeal movement’s social capital bleeds into independent social media in a post retweeted by the Abortion Rights Campaign:

This image demonstrates the flexible boundaries between political and non-political spaces for Irish youth. The people in the photo are attending Electric Picnic – the wildly popular summer festival best known for its teen-dream lineup and open-minded drug policies. By definition, it is a space outside of traditional politics. More importantly, it is a space distinct for young people in which festival goers gained social capital for embedding their political views. The people in the photo carry an inflated banana with the word “repeal” misspelled to make a pun about the fruit. Like Humans of The Sesh, their language choice draws attention to the movement in a humorous, accessible way. The social capital generated by the Repeal movement enabled these people to express their political opinion in a format that reproduced more social capital for themselves.

The Repeal the Eighth movement drew unprecedented numbers of young people into the fold by generating social capital for its participants. For Irish youth, the ethos of the Repeal campaign reproduced a familiar rejection of prescribed politics, and provided common access to socio-political discussions. Through the use of the REPEAL jumpers, protest chants, and social media, the Coalition to Repeal the Eighth gained enough power to pressure the Irish government into holding a Citizen’s Assembly and a referendum.

With the upcoming referendum set for the summer of 2018, the Coalition to Repeal the Eighth Amendment has achieved its principal goal. While popular opinion and all major political parties support repeal, many of these groups will likely begin to lobby to replace the amendment with certain restrictions on abortion access. Yet again to the credit of the women of Ireland, the most recent March for Choice celebrated tens of thousands of participants: now, women’s rights and lives depend on the Repeal coalition’s ability to sustain support and adapt to emerging political challenges.