Managing Multilingualism: Preserving the Linguistic Plurality

The reality of the current world is that, though there are a few dominant languages such as English, Spanish, or Arabic, oftentimes not even a country’s borders will accurately reflect the diversity of humanity’s linguistic heritage. Even though the world is defined by nation-states, there are minorities in virtually every state who often speak distinct languages that need to be cherished in order to show respect for their culture and preserve an entire way of thinking. To address the representation of the less dominant languages within their states, different states take different approaches; however, these laws are often not enforced properly and some languages are still left ignored. Even in today’s liberal world order, which should encourage political and public representation, these languages are tragically seeing a decline in public representation and the number of speakers. Thus, it is beneficial to examine and improve upon the laws currently existing to regulate the inclusion of minority languages and work towards making a more inclusive, diverse, and unified society. 

National vs. Official Language

A number of states have different laws pertaining to the designation of an official language and a national language. The main distinction to be made between the official and national language is that the official language is the language often mandated by a state’s founding documents and the language used in government and official proceedings, as well as one expected to be used as a definite lingua franca among speakers of different languages in that society. The national language, on the other hand, is the language spoken by the majority, and it has come to be identified as a national symbol of a certain group of people to be a more general legal description of a nation. Depending on the composition of a state’s culture and population, the relationship a country should have towards its national and official language(s) should preserve unity and peace of the society while also appreciating and promoting its potential for linguistic plurality. 

One National and Official Language 

France is one country that, although it is seeing an increase of speakers of different languages residing within its borders, is still reliant on French as both its national and official language. This is not only stated in the Constitution but also reinforced through the Toubon Law of 1994, which came as a response to the increasing use of English. This law dictates that all government documents, education, and advertisements must be in French; thus the French language is seen as a defining aspect of the country and the nation and is largely necessary in order to navigate around one’s daily life. However, publishers are still allowed to publish their work in any language they wish, commercials may be translated into French through footnotes, packaging can have translations in other languages, and the laws mandating French in the public sphere are not to infringe on the private life. Thus, there is not a need for an absolute use of French; however, the fact that French must be ever-present and is both the official and national language makes it more difficult to maintain the use of other languages, as children are exposed to French in school and media and do not need to rely on any language their parents are potentially using as much. This leads to the loss of the language in the long run. The existence of French as an ever-present language, on the other hand, makes it unifying in nature, as it is agreed that this is one language everyone would use to express themselves. This approach provides cohesiveness to society as everyone can understand each other and feel a sense of belonging in France. 

French still has this purpose in a number of African countries as well, where it is not always a national, but often at least the official language used to unify the speakers of different languages living in the same country. This is the case in Rwanda where Kinyarwanda may be the national language, but French is used for official purposes. This may lead to French eventually overpowering and becoming the national language as well as the official, as it has happened in countries such as Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, and Togo, as noted by Faingold in “Language rights and language justice.” A similar destiny beheld countries like Costa Rica and Venezuela, where Spanish became both national and official because of the pressure to have a unifying language without sufficient regard for how that would reflect on the number of speakers of other languages. While this approach may be ideal when it comes to the creation of national unity through language, it can prove to be very aggressive and detrimental towards other, often pre-colonial languages of the region, thus reaffirming the status quo of the post-colonial world.

Regional Languages

Spain is an example of a country that has one national and official language, Spanish. However, unlike neighboring France that has French as its national and official language and does not emphasize the integrity of regional or minority languages, Spain’s autonomous regions of Catalonia and Basque Country allow an elevation of Catalan and Basque to languages of greater regional importance. Whereas France does not have these autonomous regions and does not prevent people from publishing in their own language, the autonomous status of Catalonia, as Cultural Policies and Trends explains, dictates translation of government documents into Catalan. This makes it easier to live within a region majorly composed of the speakers of Catalan with the use of Catalan in daily life and in public spaces such as schools, TV programs, stores, public transportation, etc. This designation of a language other than the main Spanish has contributed to the maintenance of--and even an increase in--the number of speakers of Catalan and Basque and has also led to much hostility. Constant pushes against the autonomy and linguistic freedom assigned to these regions persisted in the history of Spain, especially during the area of the dictator Francisco Franco, who wanted to see a more unified and traditional Spain. This heritage led to violent protests and a political atmosphere that we can see to this day in Catalonia. Therefore, such designation of regional rights allowing the use of a certain language more extensively does allow, as Cultural Policies and Trends outlines, public representation of the language, such as on the street and in the news and government, and has a key role in preserving the number of speakers of the language; however, it also threatens to lead to disunion and a lack of cohesiveness and inclusivity in the long term as intolerance blooms on all sides and common ground is lost.

Absence of an Official or National Language

The U.S. is an example of a state without an official or national language. In the U.S., the Constitution makes no mention of the official language and all languages are legally regarded as equal; a person born in the United States could theoretically live a normal life without ever learning the dominant, de facto English. Although the dominantly-spoken English may not be required on TV or in schools, such as the case in France with French, English is still spoken by the majority of the US population. Knowledge of English is also one of the requirements when taking the citizenship test, which is one of the ways someone is designated as an “American”, so it could be argued that it is the national language. English is also necessary to obtain many jobs or participate in higher education. However, the absence of an official requirement of English makes it easier to request translations of official documents, allows for the participation of a greater amount of people in the economy, and makes it possible for many non-English or bilingual schools to exist, which supports children trying to maintain fluency in different languages. Additionally, the complexity of the U.S. identity prevents English from defining the national identity of a U.S. citizen, so it is lacking some components of a national language, especially compared to the French language which is not only the most spoken language in France but also has a long tradition of bonding society. 

This does not guarantee that the society will remain cohesive, as not having a unifying language leads to, as CNN points out, a questioning of how the national identity is defined. It also contributes to the problem of segregation, as immigrants either assimilate into the dominant English over time or are perceived as the other when they choose to only live alongside speakers of the same language and are unable to easily communicate their thoughts to English speakers. While the potential for otherization and self-segregation coming from this lack of an official unifying language is a reason for concern, by not having a national or official language the U.S. has the privilege of not being forced to follow the tragedy for multilingualism that was the empire of Spain. The Spanish Empire aggressively imposed a monolingual society upon a multilingual nation, which to this day leaves many nations struggling to protect the rights of speakers of minority languages. Instead of centralizing English and tragically recreating the linguistic experience of the Spanish empire and early English colonization, America should rather focus on using the linguistic fluidity offered by the Constitution, which did not label a national language, in order to create a society that is inclusive towards speakers of all languages, and try to restore the lost and forgotten native languages of North America. 

Other nations, such as Mexico, do not cite an official language and actively protect the language rights of minorities, including the many indigenous languages that are largely under threat now, as Faingold explains. This arrangement comes from the fact that, unlike in France, there is no need to protect the language of the majority as Spanish is dominant and not threatened, and the problem is rather ensuring the rights of the indigenous people, which is a model that the US could follow. While English and Spanish are the dominant languages of the Americas, the nations of the Americas should focus on separating themselves from the politics of a language equating a nation, which is often predominant in Europe and the “Old World”, and focus on using their inherent diversity to create a national identity that incorporates fully speakers of all languages.

Official Language with Provisions for Minorities

India is famous for being multiethnic and multilingual, but it also claims constitutionally that Hindu is used officially to unify the diverse provinces and allow for the cohesion of the many ethnicities. Unlike France, it allows many provisions to the variety of minority groups, and unlike Spain, it does not necessarily restrict this to regions to prevent partitioning. In practice, this means that schools are able to instruct in many different languages and there is freedom on how things are commercialized. Publications on the national level could also be in different languages. On the other hand, the higher education and courts operate in Hindu or English, due to the colonial heritage. This means that speakers of languages other than Hindu or English are at a great disadvantage when it comes to acquiring higher education and succeeding in “higher” levels of society. As Sharma observes, this translated into a decrease in publications in languages other than Hindu and English and a decrease in speakers of the minority languages as Hindu and English are necessitated for success in the society. This reduction in multilingualism in India is concerning, as the country is supposed to be priding itself in its very multilingual nature. 

Multiple Official and National Languages

Switzerland is a country that relies on German, French, Italian, and Romansch, and all except for Romansch have equal status as the official and national language. This means that government documents and proceedings, schools, TVs, and daily life, in general, could happen in any of those languages, and the majority of people are at least bilingual, so the system works. However, this not only makes taking off with Swiss airplanes very long as the welcoming and instructions are said in all languages but also, for some countries such as India, can result in a confusing, impossibly time-consuming translations. While the Swiss model is something to consider (and something that is also followed in multinational organizations such as the EU), it has its drawbacks of requiring reforms in the education system and huge investments in translations in order to also ensure that the society remains cohesive. 

Conclusion

To conclude, in a situation where many languages are spoken in a small area, it appears the easiest and most realistic approach is to have one lingua franca in order to ensure cohesiveness. However, this should not mean that all public affairs should occur only in one language. It would be especially dangerous for maintaining the number of speakers of a minority language, and thus ensuring that the language survives, to take the language outside of schools, TVs, and stores, as this most often leads to alienation of young generations from their mother tongues and reaffirms the domination of colonial heritage. Perhaps the idea of having one official language (so that there are grounds for mutual understanding), no national language (so speakers of all languages are seen as constituents of that nation and an inclusive environment is maintained), and many provisions to minority languages, especially when it comes to educational opportunities, so that the number of speakers is maintained, proves to be the best track of thinking in order to achieve a more just, welcoming, united, and tolerant society in the future.

Forgetting Franco: The Creation of a New Spanish Identity

In October 1st, 2017, Catalonia, the northeastern-most autonomous community of Spain, voted for independence. The vote was riddled with violence and controversy, as the referendum was not legally recognized, and was disputed by the Spanish government. Across Catalonian communities, including the city of Barcelona, voters, protesters, and police came out in great numbers. Many citizens displayed their sentiments by hanging symbolic flags from their balconies, lighting the city ablaze in color. Similarly, halfway across the country in the capital city of Madrid, the same phenomenon was also appearing. Spain has a troubled history with their flag. A remnant of the Franco regime, the flag was never redefined after the transition to democracy. The Catalonian referendum ignited a renewed and unprecedented return of Spanish nationalism: a formerly right-wing sentiment. Given Spain’s history with Franco symbols, it is apparent that the flag has been reborn with a new identity, one dependent on, and contrasting, the rise of Catalonian Nationalism. 

Background

It is called the “Red Effect” when Spaniards display the official Spanish flag in full force. Since the fall of Franco, it has only appeared following soccer victories such as the 2010 World Cup win. Across Spain, the Spanish flag was waved and displayed from balconies to celebrate the great victory. In other countries, flag displays are nothing to note, perhaps even commonplace, yet Spain has a uniquely controversial relationship with its flag. The flag is colloquially referred to as “La Rojigualda,” and flies with two red stripes on either side of a wider yellow stripe, which hosts the Spanish coat of arms on the left side.

Every day the flag is flown alongside European Union flags on government buildings and hotels. However, it is very rare to see the flag in non-official capacities, save for following soccer victories. This is due to the sordid history of La Rojigualda, as a former symbol of Spain’s former dictator, Francisco Franco. As explained by Marian Ahumada Ruiz, a professor of constitutional law for the Autonomous University of Madrid, the Spanish flag “has historically proved a problem because of the way it was appropriated and politicized during the Spanish Civil War and the subsequent dictatorship of Francisco Franco.” Indeed, during the days of the Franco regime, the flag was displayed across the country as a symbol of the unity that Franco campaigned for. The flag was only slightly different then, displaying the slogan “One, Great, Free” over the eagle of St. John and the yoke and arrow— all symbols of Franco’s supporters. 

The Spanish Flag

However, the basic stripes and coat of arms were the same. Standing as a symbol of the oppressive and violent regimes of Francisco Franco, supporters of the flag have been labeled as right-wing radicals in the years since the democratic transition. This conflict goes beyond the flag, as all forms of Spanish nationalism have been associated with Franco. When the Franco regime rose to power after a bloody civil war, it enforced a specific Spanish identity. Regional languages, flags, and customs were prohibited as a single, unified Catholic-Spanish identity was promoted. Nationalism was enforced by the military and all autonomous regions of Spain were stripped of their historic autonomy and regional cultures and were forcefully united under Franco. Thus, nationalistic sentiments became irrevocably intertwined with the Franco regime— one that many were eager to put in the past. 

Spain’s transition into democracy is unlike most regime changes. Following the death of Francisco Franco 1975, Spain was free to begin the democratic process, starting with the question of how to leave Franco’s era behind and move into the 20th century where they were already behind by European standards. The political parties at the time decided to focus all Spanish attention and resources on building the Spanish economy and rejoining the contemporary world. Thus, matters of the past were purposely forgotten. Spain did not have the time or resources to address the many Spaniards who had supported and committed violence at the word of Franco. Neither did those in power want to drag their freshly liberated country through the still fresh horrors of the civil war. The Pact of Forgetting allowed the country to move forward, granting amnesty to those who participated in Franco’s regime, and leaving all Spanish collective memories in the past. Thus, there were no public channels for commemoration: the civil war is not recognized each year, and the many remnants of former nationalistic elements have been wiped clean, such as the national anthem. (The anthem was once sung in Castilian Spanish, a propaganda piece to force Basques and Catalonians to speak Castilian instead of their own regional languages, which Franco banned.) Instead of lingering in the past, Spaniards dove into their new era of modernity. As explained by William Chislett, “over the last 40 years Spain has enjoyed an unprecedented period of prosperity and peaceful co-existence, even taking into account the prolonged recession that ended in 2014. The changes have been profound; the country propelled its political, economic and social modernization into a much shorter period than any other European country.” In many ways, Spain left its past behind and created a relatively prosperous country that allows for the freedoms of its citizens. Furthermore, Spain has gone further than many other countries in embracing the times we are now living in. It was a leader of the gay rights movement, passing a very liberal law in 2005 allowing for gay marriage. Spain is also a leader in women’s equality with women making up 40% of parliament. Both are impressive milestones, considering Spain was once a deeply Catholic country where being homosexual was illegal and women could not sign legal documents.  In many ways, Spain is recognizable from what it once was. Yet, in October, the familiar red and gold stripes burned brightly across Spain, reminding the county and the world of the man who Spain has so quickly and passionately left behind.  

The Red Effect of 2017

In the decades since the fall of Franco, the Spanish flag is primarily used in official capacities. With few exceptions, the Spanish flag has been treated like all memories of the Franco era: erased from the Spanish identity. However, with the potential secession of Catalonia from Spain, there is currently an unprecedented resurgence of the flag. Apartment buildings and protesters in the streets are draped in the red and yellow stripes, promoting Spanish unity in a way that hasn’t been since Franco’s political rallies. Madrid, in particular, was ablaze with the “La Rojigualda,” as nearly every building displayed their opinion of the Catalonian movement. Spaniards also changed their profile pictures to the image of the flag— the modern day political expression. This rise in nationalism is in tandem with rising Catalonian Nationalism. Barcelona, the largest city in Catalonia, is similarly draped in flags -although here the ‘Estelada’ flag is flying high. 

The Catalonian Independence flag, the ‘Senyera Estelada,’ or the Estelada for short, is the official Catalonian flag’s (the Senyera) yellow and red stripes, with an additional superimposed blue triangle with a white star on the left side. 

The Senyera

This flag, unlike the Senyera flag, is in favor of separation from Spain and is waved and hung by Catalonian separatists. The flag is currently very visible in Catalonia and Barcelona in particular. The Senyera, on the other hand, can be interpreted a number of ways. Some see the Senyera, the traditional flag of the region, as being pro-Catalonia in Spain, or simply as pro-Catalonia, regardless of the outcome of the independence movement. However, the Estelada is the more visible independence symbol. Indeed, the more vocal the Catalonian Secessionist Movement has become, the pro-unity crowd has become more prominent as well. This includes both counter-protesters and the rise in popularity of the Spanish flag. 

Oppositional Identity Creation

It is common for nationalist movements to feed off one another. It was the rise of Franco and subsequent oppression of the Catalonian people that fostered today’s secessionist movement. Today, the Catalonian movement is creating a new form of Spanish nationalism.  Joan Culla, a Catalan historian, stated, “Nationalist movements need to feed off each other. It’s both unfortunate and normal that the escalation of Catalan nationalism, particularly in recent days, will fuel a Spanish nationalism.” Many consider this rise of the counter-protesters an attempt to drown out the original party’s voices. However, it is more nuanced than that. Identities created in opposition to another identity are simpler to establish. This is common in former colonies when they gain independence. Post-colonial identity creation, as exposed by Andrew Fallone, is the creation of an identity that it purely in opposition to that of the former sovereigns. This identity creation is formed as a means of distinguishing themselves from the colonizers. While Spain and Catalonia are not in this predicament of colonizer and colonized (as related to this instance), the same identity crisis is unfolding amidst Catalonia’s bid for independence. The Catalonian Secessionist Movement’s highly visible campaign is forcing the pro-unity opposition to also become highly visible. The pro-unity crowd is feeling the same pressure that former colonies do, in the need to distinguish themselves and make themselves visible, as well as finding an identity that the country can rally behind. After Franco, being Spanish was difficult for people to accept, as they saw ‘Spanish’ as Franco perpetuated it. Thus, after his fall, the Spaniards sidestepped their confused identity— even going so far as to not refer to Spain as Spain, but as ‘the country’ instead: a social aspect of the Pact of Forgetting. This collective amnesia has left the question of what it means to be Spanish unanswered for decades. The Catalonian situation is a vehicle for Spain to answer this question. Spaniards are now able to find a Spanish identity in the flag and in pro-unity sentiments. 

Alternatives

An easy alternative explanation for the rising popularity of the La Rojigualda is that Spain is reverting to its conservative past. Nationalist sentiments are often associated with the far right, as seen in movements in America, Germany, Britain, and France. Often, shows of nationalism are associated with the national flag: a symbol of the nation. However, Spain is uniquely divergent from this form of flag waving. Unlike other countries where national flags are growing in visibility, Spain has no far-right party. While the leading party, the Popular Party (PP), was created by former Francoist officials, it is conservative with support from the right wing: it is not a right-wing party itself. 

Conclusion

The rise in Spanish Nationalism cannot be simplified as ideas of the far right, as it can be in other countries at the moment. Instead, Spanish nationalism emanates from a larger sentiment. Spaniards are finally creating their own identify, albeit in opposition to the Catalonian secessionist identity. With this, the world can expect to see changes in how Spain reconnects with its forgotten past. Likely changes may be as small as reincorporating lyrics into the national anthem. However, larger impacts may come as well, like the potential disbanding of ETA. Further strengthening of Spain as a whole maybe be seen in other political and cultural situations as well. Only time will tell what may come out of the newfound “Spanishness.”